Socio-Political Unity

Several years ago Theresa Topic and I (Topic and Topic 1985) felt that there was strong evidence for the formation of a state during the EIP and MH with its capital at Marcahuamachuco. This evidence was largely architectural in nature, consisting of settlement patterns and masonry style. The area in which the architectural evidence occurred corresponded well with the Incaic boundaries of the province, but included outliers like Coyllor, near Jesus in Cajamarca, and Cungush, near Cabana in Conchucos (Alberto Bueno M., personal communication 1986).

Since then, we have conducted much more research in Huamachuco and we were also able to test excavate some of the outlying sites. Today, we still think that there was considerable cultural unity throughout much of this area. However, we are no longer convinced that the region was politically unified. We would now stress confederation instead of consolidation and, indeed, would relate the process more to a developing ethnic consciousness within the province than to conquest. A number of autonomous curacas were no doubt players on the political scene, conbetween whole provinces like Conchucos and Huamachuco.

In addition to creating a multiethnic mosaic by moving mitmaq into Huamachuco and including chaupiyungas in the administrative unit, the Inca may have restructured the indigenous guarangas themselves. Espinoza (1974:34) has argued that one (Lluicho) of the four indigenous guarangas was created by the Incas; on the basis of huaca distributions, I (Topic 1992) have made the argument that, in fact, two (Lluicho and Andamarca) of the four guarangas resulted from Inca restructuring of the local population. This point is important chronologically: the two guarangas (Llampa and Guacapongo) with huacas defining their upper and lower elevational limits were coalescing in the LIP, as indicated by ceramic and architectural evide~ge respectively; the Incas recognized them, codified their boundaries, and created two new guarangas in the east in order to arrive at a quadripartite division.

The Inca attached Huamachuco for administrative purposes to Cajamarca and Guambos while Conchucos was attached to Huanuco or Huaylas (Cieza 1984 [1553]:226, 234; Pizarro 1978 [1571]:220-21) (Figure 2). On the surface, this division between Huamachuco and Conchucos would appear to be simply an administrative convenience. One piece of information, though, suggests that it was part of an ongoing strategy of restructur-ing populations. Mitmaq from Huamachuco were moved to Chimbo, in Ecuador, together with mitmaq from Guambos and Cajamarca (Miguel de Cantos 1965 [1581]:255).⁽¹⁰⁾

This example provides an illustration of two possible ways in which mitmaq policy affects ethnic identity. First, the mitmaq from Huamachuco who, before leaving home, would have identified more closely with their guaranga or pachaca, now identified themselves as "mitimas de guamachuco" and continued to do so until the end of the eighteenth century. On the other hand, the grouping of mitmaq from Guambos, Cajamarca, and Huamachuco helped to create a feeling amongst the mitmaq that the larger Inca administrative unit comprehending all that area had some real social significance to them. In both ways, the Inca policy developed an identification of the individual as a member of larger social units and broke down the parochial tendency of the segmentary lineage.

Notas

10).- Another indication that the Inca spread the cult of Catequil to Ecuador is the location of a hill in Chimbo called by the Ecuadorian variant of the name: "Catequilla".

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