Huamachuco

CONCLUSION

On the hills surrounding Huamachuco there are about 144 preserved qollqa, but we estimate that there may once have been about 215. We excavated or partially excavated nine examples, slightly more than 6% of the preserved qollqa and 4% of the estimated number. In addition, there are eight larger buildings that were probably administrative in nature, of which we partially excavated one example. Ethnohistoric information suggests that the storage complex was con- structed after 1463 and fell into disuse by 1567; the radiocarbon dates and associated ceramics are consistent with these dates.

The qollqa are arranged in five groups on three hills. Although the . groupings probably reflect significant ethnic categories, it is difficult to determine what those categories may have been. Although it ultimately may be impossible to understand the significance of qollqa groupings, it is interesting to speculate about their meaning.

The largest group of qollqa is located on Cerro Santa Barbara. The excavated examples all have elevated floors and were used for storing maize and probably other goods requiring dry conditions. These qollqa are located adjacent to agricultural terraces that we think are Inka and were probably used for growing maize; crops produced on the terraces were probably stored in the qollqa, and seed for planting the terraces probably came from the qoliqa. This rather small area of terraces was probably not the sole source of goods stored at Cerro Santa Barbara, but because of the close association of terracing and storerooms, we consider them parts of a single production-storage complex. We further expect that the complex was not under the control of the indigenous community, but most likely was part of a state installation, or belonged to the state religion, or even, as suggested by Poma's reference to houses of Wayna Qhapaq, may have been part of a royal residence.

The presence of administrative structures on Cerro Cacañan suggests that the qollqa there may be the tuber storage equivalent of the maize storage facilities on Cerro Santa Barbara. However, as noted above, it is uncertain whether these structures administered all the qollqa or only those on Cerro Cacañan.

The Cerro Mamorco qollqa are divided into much smaller groups. Although two excavated qollqa had subfloor canals and were probably used for tuber storage, the third had a simple clay floor and was probably used for a variety of goods. From the excavated sample, we cannot be sure whether this heterogeneity is characteristic of each group of Cerro Mamorco qollqa or of only the group tested. Heterogeneity within a group of qollqa would be expected if the storerooms corresponded to a social unit; in other words, if a group of people stored all their goods in one set of storerooms, they would need storerooms suitable for tubers, grains, and various other goods. A similar argument could apply to state institutions, such as administrators, soldiers, or artisans. Although ultimately dependent on state lands, an institution might be assigned its own set of storerooms. The same logic applies to major shrines; the chronicles suggest these had their own lands, and by extension, their own produce to be stored in their own facilities. Perhaps, then, the division of storerooms on Cerro Mamorco into groups corresponded to specific groups of people or institutions, or to shrines.

Although this discussion of the significance of qollqa groupings is speculative, it provides some perspective for evaluating the scale of storage in Huamachuco. Unlike Huánuco Pampa, Huamachuco was not an artificial town; there were indigenous people and numerous mitmaquna in the immediate area, as well as the state apparatus. Yet the storage complex is modest in scale. The scale of the complex suggests that it was intended only to provide for local consumption. Possibly any excess production was shipped elsewhere.

As a facility oriented toward local consumption, it is interesting to look at the mix of the two main types of storerooms. Overall, slightly more than half of the storerooms have elevated floors, and, estimating that 1/3 of the qollqa on Cerro Mamorco lack subfloor canals, qollqa specifically designed for tuber storage form about 40% of the total. However, if our speculation about the significance of the qollqa groupings is accurate, this proportion changes dramatically. What we think to be state storage is represented by as many as 125 elevated qollqa (83%) and only about 25 qollqa for tuber storage ( 17%). Tuber storage predominates in what we think is nonstate storage. However, because the Huamachuco storage complex is only one of several in the province, both its scale and the inferences about consumption patterns may be misleading.

On more solid ground, we have documented the existence of two distinctive types of storage facilities. The distinctive feature of both types is the emphasis on humidity control. Thus far, the type with subfloor canals is known only from the Late Horizon in Huamachuco. The type with an elevated floor has a wider temporal and spatial distribution but at present seems to occur earliest in Huamachuco and only in Huamachuco does it occur during two, different time periods. Thus, both types of facilities may represent storage technologies developed in Huamachuco or in neighboring provinces.

Finally, we have demonstrated that phytolith analysis can be useful in storage situations. Although our study has shown on the one hand that the edible portions of many plants lack identifiable silica, we have also shown that phytoliths from nonedible plants used to pack stored tubers can be identified in predictable storage contexts.

Acknowledgments

This research was funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and authorized by the lnstituto Nacional de Cultura. Alfredo Melly, Kaja Narveson, Andrew Nelson, Theresa Topic, Lisa Valkenier, and Sue Wuttzburg all assisted in the mapping, excavation, and analysis of collections. We dedicate this chapter to the memory of Alina Pottella who directed the majority of the excavations and, more importantly, was a kind a gentle friend.

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